The key finding of our research is that while mass-based interest organisations and regular citizens have little to no independent influence, economic elites and organised groups representing commercial interests have significant independent influences on U.S. government policy. However, neither majoritarian electoral democracy nor majoritarian pluralism are supported by our findings, only notions of economic-elite dominance and biassed pluralism.
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Majoritarian electoral democracy theories, as constructive or empirical theories, ascribe U.S. government actions primarily to the collective will of everyday residents, who are perceived as being empowered by democratic elections. Such ideas date at least to Tocqueville, who (during the Jacksonian era) fretted about the “tyranny of the majority” and considered American majorities as “omnipotent”—particularly at the state level. Footnote1 Robert Dahl called it “populistic democracy,” and Abraham Lincoln’s phrase “of the people, by the people, for the people” captures it.
The literature produced by each of the four theoretical traditions we are examining is far too extensive for us to review it in full here. We are limited to mentioning a few key works from each tradition.
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A very different theoretical tradition contends that those with significant economic resources, such as high levels of income or wealth—including, but not limited to, ownership of business firms—dominate U.S. policy making.
James Madison’s Federalist Paper No. 10, which examined politics in terms of “factions,” a somewhat nebulous concept that apparently encompassed political parties and even popular majorities, as well as what we would today consider organised groups,
Olson’s argument draws attention to a significant divergent school of thought within the pluralist tradition: theories of “biassed” pluralism, which postulate conflicts between disparate interest groups.
Even while our study likely understates the political effect of elites, economic-elite dominance hypotheses do pretty well. Though informative and the best we could come up with for a wide range of policy scenarios, our measure of wealthy
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Because little to no prior study has been able to assess the extent of group influence while adjusting for the preferences of other significant non-governmental actors, our results of strong effect by interest groups are particularly startling. Our findings unequivocally shows that organised interest groups have a very significant independent influence on public policy, even after accounting for the influence of both the general populace and economic elites. There is substantial empirical evidence to support theories of interest-group pluralism.
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Musa Ibn Maimon, a Jewish philosopher, physician, and religious scholar who lived from 1135 to 1204, wrote “The Guide of the Wanderers” or “Dilalat al-Haareen,” which has recently been translated and explicated in four volumes by the author Farzaneh and the multilingual translator Shirindokht Dakhiyan. It was released by the Iranian Harambam Foundation’s publications, which […]
The Zarathushtrian Assembly does not support a priestly class or division, staying true to the Gathic tradition that every vocation that advances human civilization is honourable and noble. It has skilled individuals who preside over rituals, serve as the main witnesses at events like wedding solemnizations, conduct congregational prayers, deliver the Divine Message, and instruct […]
Was the founder of the Good Religion, Asho Zarathushtra Spitama, a priest by vocation and by birth? Here the priestly class still present in the new order? Before and after Zarathushtra, was there an inherited structure governing the priestly class? Is the practise of hereditary priesthood currently in place a Zarathushtrian custom? Is it a […]